The minster dedicated to St John in the town of Beverley in East Yorkshire has a long and interesting history. There is some evidence, through coins and some mosaic tiles discovered over the centuries - that there was a Roman settlement at Beverley sometime before the fifth century. After all, the Roman base at York, then named Eboracum, was nearby. It seems to have been certainly established by the Saxon period.

It was at this period that the impressive minster was built, likely on the site of a smaller, wooden Saxon church. The later Romans worked to convert the Saxon communities to Christianity and it may have been because of this that the early church was founded. The minster is said to have been established by John Archbishop of York in the eighth century, who spent three decades building a Christian community in the county and built the earliest parts of the building we see today. It was founded in around 700, and he lived at the minster from 717 and died there in May 721. In recognition of his work in the church, he was given a sainthood, and after his death was known as St John of Beverley.

Beverley Minster, Public Domain via Wikimedia Commons

Both monks and nuns lived in the Saxon minster, which evolved to play a key part in the town's administration and government. Religious houses were often the site for the trying of crimes, the settling of disputes and provided lodgings to visitors. The monks also worked the lands near their centres, farming, rearing livestock and producing cheese, honey and milk. 

In around the mid-ninth century, events worked to upset the tranquil life of the monks and nuns established by St John of Beverley. In 866, an attack by the Danes almost destroyed the minster completely, taking its valuable relics and manuscripts. The building was however restored in the following years, and John's tomb was repaired by the time King Athelstan visited it in around 937. On his way to York he stopped at Beverley to pray at John's tomb. Legend has Athelstan taking a dagger out of its scabbard and laying it on the high altar, promising to bestow wealth on the church should he be successful in his military pursuits against rebels in the north. Following his victory, he marched back to Beverley and granted privileges and lands to the community, including those in Brandesburton and Lockington. The minster was also given the right of sanctuary, a term that provided shelter from enemies until a compromise could be achieved, usually within a set number of days. The king also provided for the creation of a College in the building, with seven priests. 

The growth of the minster was crucial to the rise of the town as a centre for trade, public administration and worship. It was primarily a farming and labouring town, but the shrine of St John attracted pilgrims, who then ate and stayed in the town, supporting local businesses. Dignitaries visited the town, with Archbishops of York residing in the minster over the years. It was considered important enough to be enlarged by Alfiric Pottoc, Archbishop of York in 1033, with three annual fairs granted by the king, Edward the Confessor. Edward also confirmed the almost 200-year-old charter provided by Athelstan. Over the rest of the Saxon period and into the Norman period from 1066, Beverley Minster supported a community of both monks and nuns, preserved order in the townspeople and provided a lasting visible symbol of the recent establishment and growth of Christianity. 

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Source: James Joseph Sheahan, History and Topography of the City of York, the East Riding of Yorkshire and a Portion of the West Riding. John Green, Beverley, 1857.

In October 1307 the body of the 68-year old Edward I was brought from Waltham and taken on a cart to Westminster Abbey for burial. Anthony Bec, Bishop of Durham presided over the funeral ceremony, after which the king was interred in St Edward's Chapel near the body of his father, Henry III. The king had died at Burgh Upon Sands in Cumberland that July, after falling ill with dysentery while on military campaign towards Scotland.

Edward is perhaps most famous (or infamous) for his wars against Wales and Scotland, earning him the nickname Hammer of the Scots. He is the king who seized the Stone of Scone in 1296 and delivered it to England as a symbol of his 'victory' over the nation. The stone, on which the kings of Scotland were crowned, was then positioned in a compartment underneath the throne in Westminster Abbey, with each monarch following Edward crowned above it. Edward also worked to limit the power of the church, but authorised new work to be carried out on the abbey where he was later to be buried. His tomb can be seen today, although it is extremely fragile and a sign tells visitors that it is kept away from the general public and is unsuitable for general sightseeing. You can, however, see it from the ground as you walk around the abbey.

Tomb of Edward I, Westminster Abbey, London, 2024.

The tomb commemorating the king was made out of Purbeck marble, and in the eighteenth century was seen to have 'a grating of strong iron work', and a 'small bust of an elderly man with a long visage'. The inscription on the tomb is recorded as 'Edward's Primus Scotorum Malleus', referring to his 'hammer of the Scots' nickname. 

Edward I from "The Popular History of England". - The British Library, United Kingdom - Public Domain.

In 1774, permission was given for Edward's tomb to be opened, and a lecture was given at the Society of Antiquaries in the May of that year. The transcript of the lecture, which is preserved in a 40-page document of the time, reveals much about not only Edward's burial but also what happened to his body many years after his death. The men opened the tomb and found the coffin - measuring six feet and seven inches - raised up on the base with rubble so that the lid of the tomb could be closed. Edward's coffin was two feet seven inches wide, and each side of the marble was three inches thick. Those present noticed that the coffin was stained with a yellow paint or varnish. 

Prising open the coffin, they saw the medieval king 'wrapped up within a large square mantle, of strong, coarse and thick linen cloth'. It was a pale brown colour and wax was seen on the side touching the body. Edward's head and face was covered with a cloth of crimson sarcenet, although was significantly worn and perished from time. Underneath, Edward had been buried 'richly habited, adorned with ensigns of royalty and almost entire'. The body was in good condition, and the king's face, hands and finger joints were all visible. An 'unusual fall, or cavity' was noticed on the bridge of Edward's nose, and no trace of any beard remained on the royal chin.

A piece of material was laid over the king's body which had been sewn with fake jewels, representing amethyst, ruby and sapphire. Traces of metalwork could also be seen made from gold and gilt, along with small white beads that the men present thought were pearls, but then decided that they were fake, as they were all exactly the same size and shape. The 'royal mantle', or cloak was made of crimson satin and fastened on the king's left shoulder with a 'fibula of metal gilt with gold, and composed of two joints pinned together by a moveable acus, and resembling a cross garnet hinge'. It was four inches in length, with intricate decoration and contained red and blue glass decorations along with fake pearls. 

Edward was buried with a covering of cloth of gold, which remained in 1774, and although no gloves on his hands survived, there was some evidence that he had been buried wearing them - on the back of each hand metalwork could be seen, suggesting the decoration had survived but the gloves had long since perished. In the right hand and resting on the king's right shoulder rested a sceptre with a cross, made out of copper gilt, measuring two feet six inches in length. In the left hand had been laid the rod or sceptre with the dove, which rested over his left shoulder, the top of it level with his ear. Someone had rested a crown with trefoils around the top of it on Edward's head after death, although those present sniffed that it was 'of inferior workmanship'. A ring was found among the king's clothing, supposed to have slipped off his finger after burial. Kings were often buried in ceremonial clothing, their bodies put on view to show that they had died before their successor could safely take the throne. This was even more important in the case of a throne seized from a living king. Later, the body of Richard III was put on public view in Leicester so that there could be no doubts of Henry VII's right to the crown.

Interestingly, the investigation showed that Edward towered over his contemporaries, and would have stood at around six feet two inches in height. His nickname of 'Edward Longshanks' then, seems to have been given to him accurately. The Georgian scientists even went so far as to measure the king's leg bones to ascertain if he simply had longer than usual legs, but it was concluded that they were in proportion to his body. 

Attempts were made to preserve Edward's body after his burial. Edward III and Henry IV issued commands for the tomb to be opened and the wax around his body replenished. The people who saw the corpse in 1774 saw that this had been repeatedly carried out, from the wax cloth that was laid over the body and holes placed in the coffin and later filled in, presumably to have assisted in its opening. The author of the lecture suggested that the body was preserved because of Edward's wish, on his deathbed, that his body be carried with the English army until Scotland was conquered. He then adds that this was unlikely, as soon after his death the Bishop of Chester conveyed Edward's body to Waltham Abbey until funeral preparations were made. For whatever reason Edward's body was regularly recovered with wax, the Georgians were grateful, as it ensured his body had been well-preserved for their viewing more than 450 years later. The men were careful not to disturb the king, and in the presence of the Dean of Westminster Abbey, 'the tomb [was] secured beyond a possibility of ever being opened again'. 

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Ever wondered what a Georgian Ball of the eighteenth century was actually like? Luckily for us, these celebrations were often excitedly described in the news of the day, so we can get a good idea of what they were like to attend. As it turns out, when the subjects of George III partied, they put on some definitely dazzling Georgian celebrations. 

Photo by Karl Hedin on Unsplash

In one ball, hosted by the Earl and Countess of Northumberland for George III's birthday in June 1764, around 1500 'persons of the first distinction' talked, danced and drank in the warm summer evening. An eye-witness reported that there were  'grand illuminations' in the garden, consisting of  '10,000 lamps' with 400 more lamps hanging on the balustrades near the steps, 'which had a most beautiful effect'. The Northumberlands also put on musical entertainment - no less than two bands. One played in the great gallery of their home, which was 'illuminated with an astonishing degree of splendour' while the other band entertained guests in the garden. 

They danced until late, too. The Lord Mayor hosted a ball at the Mansion House in London in 1768, with dancing continuing until midnight, 'when a very grand supper was served up'. After eating, guests went into the ballroom and continued dancing until 5am the next morning. Many of London's aristocracy were present for the celebrations, including the Dukes and Duchesses of Portland, Richmond, Bolton, Queensbury, Manchester and Northumberland. Two years later, the Lord Mayor hosted another ball, showing off his new chandeliers in his Egyptian Hall. There were many 'loyal and patriotic toasts' sipped on the blast of a trumpet, although on this occasion the dancing continued until 4.30am. However there were 600 dishes served, and awkwardly, the tables were not long enough to seat everyone. 

Georgian balls could certainly serve up vast amounts of food. In 1770 an entertainment given by Sir Watkins Williams Wynn on his coming of age served 30 bullocks, 30 hogs, 50 calves, 80 sheep, 18 lambs and 70 pies. Guests ate guinea fowl, turkey, chickens, duck, rabbit, carp and pike. There was also lobster, crab and trout along with hundreds of shrimps, 60 barrels of pickled oysters and rock oysters. Among other foods, they also enjoyed pork pies, ham, plum pudding, apple pie, tarts and rice pudding. Those celebrating with Wynn also munched through 18,000 eggs, 6,000 asparagus and 200 French beans, washed down with wine, brandy, rum and ale. The party was hosted in Wyn's park at Wynnstay in North Wales and it was estimated that 15,000 people celebrated there with the 21-year old aristocrat. 

In Surrey, Lord Stanley put on a ball as an excuse to celebrate his upcoming marriage to Lady Betty Hamilton. Held in 1774, it was a feast for the eyes, as guests played games and watched lavish entertainments. It was also theatrical. There were actors dressed as shepherds and shepherdesses 'who skipped about, kicking at the tambourines, which were pendant from the trees'. Perhaps distastefully, there were 'many persons habited as peasants' who also amused the attendees with their dances and 'other amusements'. Guests then danced, in rooms 'peculiarly ornamental and rich', with lamps glowing in different colours. Gold fringe hung off of drapery and gold fringe. In the centre of the main room, a man appeared dressed as an 'ancient Druid... with a bough of mistletoe', accompanied with 'a group of fauns... in picturesque habits of tiger skins ornamented with oak leaves'. They entertained the guests with a pantomime-style dance routine which included the figure of Cupid, relevant to the party's theme of marriage and love. Reports stated that 300 of the nobility were present at Stanley's marriage celebrations.  

But what about a royal ball? Dances and dinners were often held to celebrate royal birthdays, with the king and queen present. One ball hosted at St James' Palace in 1764 celebrated Queen Charlotte's birthday. Described as 'very splendid and numerous', the royal couple entered the room just before 9pm, and the ball was opened by the Duke of Gloucester and the Princess Louisa Ann. Those present danced various minuets until past 11pm, when George and Charlotte went to bed. However the rest of the guests continued to dance until around 1am the next morning. In 1771, another ball was held to celebrate the queen's birthday at St James', and it seems to have had a British-industry theme, as it was noted that 'the ladies made a most brilliant appearance... dressed mostly in our manufactures'. A celebration for the king's birthday the following year was noted for the female nobility's dress and jewels, 'distinguished by a profusion of diamonds', with those worn by Lady Villiers believed to have cost £70,000. 

Balls were also given, and received, in acts of diplomacy. In 1768 'a very grand entertainment' was hosted by George and Charlotte at Buckingham Palace for the King of Denmark. 170 people were invited, and the event began at 7.30pm, with dancing starting at 9pm. This time, the king and queen celebrated until around 4.30am, and the eye-witness report states that the King of Denmark left at the same time. 

Not to be outdone, the King of Denmark hosted a similar ball in return, at the Haymarket Theatre, inviting 'the greatest number of nobility and gentry ever assembled together upon any occasion of the like nature', around 2,500 guests. This ball had its own characters to entertain those present, including a conjurer, a methodist preacher, a chimney sweep and a boar with a bull's head, 'all supported with great humour'. 

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The Wars of the Roses are one of the most turbulent times in our history. Its events affected not just England but Wales, parts of Ireland and Scotland too, in addition to other nations overseas. And while it is true that women did not fight in armies in the wars, there is evidence that they did take up arms to protect their homes, support the opposing side or even lash out in vengeance. Here are stories of courageous women who found themselves at the centre of violence - and fought back- during the fifteenth century Wars of the Roses. 

Photo by Lance Reis on Unsplash, cropped

Elizabeth Blount

When Richard III learned that the castle of Hammes was under Lancastrian command, he sent troops to besiege it to return it to the crown. Sir James Blount was the constable of the castle, which had recently imprisoned John de Vere Earl of Oxford, a well-known supporter of the Lancastrian cause and also of Henry Tudor in Brittany. John convinced James to join him, and the two fled to Henry, leaving Elizabeth in charge of the castle. Before he left, 'because he lefte his wife in the castle, did fumishe the same with a good garison of menne before his departure'. It was up to Elizabeth to command them. She held out valiantly, and when news of the siege reached the exiles, de Vere returned with troops to help her defend it. A negotiation with the royal forces was made, and Elizabeth was allowed to leave the castle. Elizabeth's actions have left a trace in the official papers of the realm, with Richard III later granting her a pardon. Her name appears at the top of a list of her soldiers. Find out more about Elizabeth.

Margaret Paston

Margaret found one of her properties surrounded by troops in a land dispute of 1469. The Duke of Norfolk claimed ownership of the Paston's Caister Castle and set out to seize it by force. Margaret wrote to her eldest son, who was in London trying to petition Edward IV for help. Her younger son was helping his mother and servants defend the castle. Margaret had manned sieges before, at their family home of Gresham in 1448 and also at their homes at Drayton and Hellesdon. Her letter to her husband from the conflict at Gresham is one of the most well-known of the period, asking him to send her crossbows and windlasses for the defence of the castle and adding, practically, that the family also needed sugar, almonds and material for the children's clothing. Learn more about Margaret.

Alice Knyvett

In 1461 Alice's husband and son were away from their home in Buckenham Castle, in Norfolk. Edward IV took this as the perfect opportunity to seize the castle into royal hands. Sending a group of men to take the castle and 'arrest and imprison any that resist', Alice remained defiant. She gathered together some household servants and a veteran soldier from her village community. Commissioners reported to Edward that they saw Alice standing in a tower armed with 'slings, paveisis, faggots, timber and other armaments of war' with around fifty supporters. Shouting from across the moat, with the drawbridge pulled up, she yelled to the men to leave, telling them 'if ye begin to break the peace or make any war to get the place of me I shall defend me', adding that her husband had charged her to keep the property in his absence should any attempt on it be made. Learn more about Alice.

Ellen Gethin

A woman of legend, but also a real survivor of the events of the conflict. Ellen was born in Wales, and following the death of her father, lived with her brother David near Radnorshire on the family estates. After a boozy night out at a tavern, her brother and cousin fought, and her brother was (probably accidentally) murdered. But Ellen vowed to get her revenge. At an archery competition, she appeared in disguise covered in a dark cloak, obscuring her identity. Lifting the bow and arrow, she turned and sprung the arrow into the heart of her cousin, John hir ab Philip Vychan. Ellen later married Thomas Vaughan of Hengest. Sadly he died fighting for the side of York in the Battle of Edgecote in 1469 and she became a widow. Find out more about Ellen's legend and life here. 

Find out more about these women, and many more, in my book Forgotten Women of the Wars of the Roses, published by Pen and Sword. 

Anyone remotely familiar with the Wars of the Roses will know about the Battle of Towton in Yorkshire, when the nearby river was supposed to have turned red with the blood of the dead soldiers. 

The battle took place between the Lancastrian army of Henry VI, headed by the Duke of Somerset, and the Yorkist troops led by Edward Plantagenet, son of the since dead Duke of York. From the 1450s, concerns grew for the country amid Henry's ineffective rule and health problems that left him mentally incapacitated for long periods of time. York had managed to wrestle a promise out of Henry that he would be king after his own death, which only added enthusiasm to the Yorkists' cause. The duke's supporters conspired, fought and raised money and men to pave his way to the the throne in the civil war known as the Wars of the Roses. But the duke was defeated at the Battle of Wakefield in 1460 and killed in a public execution afterwards. It was his eldest son Edward who took up his fight. 

Richard Caton Woodville, Battle of Towton painting, 1927. Via Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain.

Squaring up on the muddy field of Towton, said the Tudor historian Edward Hall, were 60,000 royal soldiers, while Edward's troops amounted to just over 48,000. They met in a field between the villages of Towton and Saxton in Yorkshire on a bed of raised ground. Among those ready to fight were well-known men of medieval politics. Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick commanded a portion of Edward's army, while Lord Falconberg oversaw another division. Warwick was used to battle, and was not only an expert soldier and military leader but was also known for his generosity. It was said that when he held a feast, the inns of London were full of the earl's meat, him urging everyone present to take as much leftovers they could slide onto the blade of a dagger before leaving.

The armies first clashed at around seven in the morning. It was 29 March, but was bitterly cold, with flakes of snow falling, the ice particles mushing with earth under the soldier's leather boots. It was said that the battle continued until dusk, and it would have been an exhausting fight. The Yorkists however gained the upper hand, with one explanation given being that the snow fall increased throughout the day, driving in the direction of the Lancastrian soldiers. Struggling to see through the haze, they found counter attack more and more difficult. It's possible too, that Edward's underdog passion inspired his troops to fight harder. He was outnumbered, but unlike Henry VI, led his own army into battle. Edward was a respected warrior, and was driven on by the very recent loss of his own father, and many of his supporters would have also backed and personally known the duke.

Spears, axes, swords, shields and arrows were among the weapons used at Towton. Research by York Osteoarchaeology on skeletons unearthed and believed to have been soldiers at the battle showed some fascinating findings. The youngest they excavated was around fifteen years of age, while many showed evidence of blunt force or weapon related trauma. There were also signs of longer term illness. The death of Lord Dacre is a famous one - it is said that he was pausing in battle to take a drink, took off his gorget (the chain mail worn around the neck) and was struck in the throat by an arrow. 

As the Lancastrian soldiers plotted their escape from the field, they headed to outlying areas, and many who survived the battle sadly drowned in the river Cock nearby. The figures are startling, although are debated by modern historians. In a letter Edward wrote to his mother Cecily Neville after the battle, he claimed that 28,000 Lancastrian soldiers and commanders had died. In total, 38,000 lie on the field, although it was believed that the total dead, including those that drowned in the river, numbered around 97,000. Among them were members of the nobility, including the Earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Shrewsbury; John Lord Clifford, the Lords Dacre, Beaumont, Neville, Willoughby, Roos, Scales, Grey, Fitzhugh, Molineaux, Welles, and Henry Buckingham. There was also Sir Andrew Trollop, Sir John Neville, Sir Richard Percy, Sir John Heyton, Sir Gervase Clifton, Sir Edward Harnis, Sir John Burton, Sir David Trollop, Sir Thomas Crakenthorpe, Sir John Ormond and others. I explored the consequences of medieval battle in my book Forgotten Women of the Wars of the Roses, and the impact this had on families. Many women were left struggling to manage, maintain and cling on to marital estates after their husbands died in war. Some even left a secular life altogether and entered a religious establishment. 

Many of the dead were buried, unceremoniously, in local churchyards, buried in communal pits or alone, with hastily erected tombs built over them. The Tudor historian John Stow noted that many were buried in Saxton churchyard. In the mid-nineteenth century, when preparing the ground there for a new burial, diggers encountered a pile of bones around five feet thick believed to have been casualties of Towton. On an earlier occasion, in 1794, a 'vast quantity of bones' were discovered in the ground, with 'arrow piles, pieces of broken swords, and five groat pieces of Henry IV, Henry V and Henry VI'. It's possible too, that the dead were buried in mounds in outlying areas. On the battlefield itself, a gold ring was recovered in 1786 decorated with the crest of the Percy family of Northumberland. A silver gilt ring with joined hands was also discovered, along with a spur.

The Yorkists were victorious, and Edward Plantagenet Earl of March made his way to London to be crowned king. The deposed Henry VI and his queen Margaret of Anjou fled, and headed for Scotland to seek further support. Before Edward rode south, he travelled the short distance to York and removed his father's head from Mickelgate Bar, replacing it with those of executed Lancastrian soldiers.